This debate is an opportunity for us to step away from the day to arguments which dominate our discussions on Europe, and a challenge to each of us to reflect on the overall importance of the European Union to promoting our sovereignty, culture and economy.
By every significant measure, membership of the European Union is essential for Ireland.
Membership not only matters for Ireland, it delivers for Ireland.
And the greatest beneficiaries by far have been communities and workers throughout our country who have access to jobs and opportunities which would be impossible without our membership of a strong European Union.
Europe isn’t ‘Them’, Europe is ‘Us’.
It is a democratic community of nations which allows space for people to disagree. We all get our say in the formation of policy. We don’t get to win every debate. There is nothing democratic about demanding to have 100% of your policies adopted. But Ireland has consistently got dramatically more out of its positive approach to membership – by building and sustaining a situation where other countries know that we are acting in good faith. That we want an effective European Union which works for all.
Frankly we have too much of the cynical politics of attacking everything and refusing to acknowledge any positives. Time after time we hear loud denunciations of the European Union. Every mistake it makes, and any organisation made up of humans will always make mistakes, it claimed as the end of particular communities or countries. And there is a deep and profound unwillingness to acknowledge the vital national benefits which depend on us being positive, active and constructive members of the European Union.
Too often these debates involve the centrist parties pointing to the undeniable facts of positive benefits of Europe for Ireland, and the left and right refusing to acknowledge anything positive.
I think one of the biggest mistakes which pro-Europe parties can make is to simply ignore the Eurosceptics and to allow their attacks to go unanswered. And much more should be done to challenge the false idea that sovereignty and European action are incompatible.
It is a simple statement of historical fact that the last major act of the great generation which fought and won our independence was to set us on the course of membership of the now European Union.
As a teenager Sean Lemass had fought in the GPO in 1916. He had seen friends and family dies in terrible circumstances during both the War of Independence and Civil War – and when the fighting was done he believed that the duty of every Irish person was to work to try and build a modern and successful country.
As early as the late 1920s he wrote of the idea that systematic, rules-based cooperation with other European countries could be the only effective way to secure peace, prosperity and sovereignty for European states large and small.
His decision as Taoiseach to commit Ireland to a European future is the foundation upon which we have achieved dramatic and sustained progress in employment, in standards of living, in education levels and in our ability to be heard in the international community.
Our membership of the European Union is today, as it always has been, about securing our sovereignty and prosperity.
And yet, at every stage of our seeking to build this European future we have there has been a relentless drumbeat from the right and the left attacking everything, refusing to acknowledge any progress and demanding that Ireland take a more anti-EU position.
No cause has been more consistently and overwhelmingly wrong that the cause of Ireland’s anti-EU forces on the right and the left.
I recently reread an account of the debate about Ireland’s decision to join the then European Economic Community just over fifty years ago.
It is a remarkable testament to the resilience of ideology that the arguments being made against the European Union are almost unchanged. They reappear during every referendum and every major policy debate.
The main non-party campaign called itself the Common Market Research Group – remarkably similar to the European Research Group in London which has pushed an extreme anti-EU agenda in the British Parliament. In 1972 we were told that Europe would turn Ireland into a barren wasteland, a nuclear base and end our sovereignty.
In 1972 the party now known as Sinn Fein, had been recently formed and the very first policy position it adopted other than its support for the Provisional IRA was its opposition to joining the now European Union. And when the membership referendum was passed overwhelmingly by the Irish people the party announced that it was the end of Ireland as an independent state, the end of neutrality and the beginning of our economic disappearance.
This approach has been softened in terms of adding in reassuring comments which accept that Ireland is an EU member, but Euroscepticism isn’t a side-issue for Sinn Fein, it is in its founding DNA.
If you look at the party’s last manifesto you find the statement “It is time to end the Brussels power grab, to reign in the Commission, and return powers to the member states.” These are words to warm the heart of Nigel Farage. They promote a false view of the Union and Ireland’s relationship with it.
To be fair to other elements of the far left, they at least do not try to deliver reassuring speeches covering up their anti-EU beliefs. When People Before Profit supported Brexit in Northern Ireland but came in here demanding that Brexit have no impact on the island they showed just how cynical they too can be.
When we look honestly at the situation today. It is absolutely wrong to say that there is a broad consensus in Irish politics about EU membership. There is certainly a broad consensus amongst the Irish people – this has been reflected time and time again in many ways. But this not reflected here and unfortunately not in our delegation to the European Parliament, which contains within it some of the most stridently anti-EU voices from any country.
Our national delegation is split between MEPs who work constructively to try to influence policies and those who align themselves with the most extreme anti-EU and destructive voices. The records of the Parliament show that our four members of the extreme Left group are dramatically less effective in being able to influence votes – contenting themselves with delivering short attacks on everyone else and proposing amendments which attract no support. The records also shamefully show that these Irish MEPs are the least likely to ever speak up against dictatorships and the defence of democratic values.
In the past these elections have been relatively low risk. Treated by many as an opportunity to hear from a colourful group of individuals in the expectation that they couldn’t do much harm if elected.
Yet no one today can deny the many deep threats to the European Union. The threat from external forces which want to destroy it as a voice for democracy. The threat from extremists of the right and left who want to return to ideologies and conflict of the last century. The threat from an unstable world economy. The threat from an existential climate crisis and the need to protect our communities.
Founded in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the European Union was conceived as a peace project. John Hume, one of our greatest statesmen, saw in the European Union a model and a vision for how a lasting peace could be built.
And in that spirit, over decades, the European Union has provided strong and steadfast support to peace and reconciliation on this island.
We should never forget that in 1972, when the European Communities opened the door to Ireland and the UK, it was the very worst year of violence in Northern Ireland, with nearly 500 men, women and children being killed in a single year.
In 1998, the Good Friday Agreement, the foundation for peace in Northern Ireland, brought an end to more than 30 years of violent conflict.
In the 26 years on from the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, our EU partners have been steadfast in their support, contributing enormously to realising the objectives and commitments set out in the Agreement and the wider dividends of peace.
They have consistently demonstrated the value they place on the process of peace and reconciliation on this island, showing extraordinary solidarity with Ireland as we have navigated the challenges created by the UK’s decision to leave the EU.
Ukraine
The European Union we see is the embodiment of the idea that our differences can be resolved through peaceful cooperation and negotiation, and that the collective security of the peoples, nations, religions and traditions in Europe can be guaranteed by the consolidation of democracy, the primacy of the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Tragically, today Putin’s Russia is seeking to return to an era in which European borders are drawn by force, instead of diplomacy and democracy.
In the face of that aggression, Ukraine’s resolve is undiminished.
This is an inspiring testament to the unwavering spirit of a nation determined to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity, whilst upholding the principles of freedom and democracy. It is also testament to the strength of the European Union’s values.
As Ukraine heads into a challenging period ahead, it is more important than ever that we continue to stand together with our EU and international partners to support Ukraine by whatever means possible, for as long as it takes.
Through a broad range of measures, including massive financial support and an aggressive regime of sanctions, the European Union has demonstrated its steadfast commitment to standing with Ukraine.
Ireland is proud to contribute to this endeavour.
The Ukrainian people are fighting not just for their country but for our shared values of freedom and democracy.
Ireland strongly believes that Ukraine’s future lies within the European Union, and we will continue to support Ukraine on its European path.
Gaza
We are also witnessing horrific conflict on Europe’s southern borders, where the situation in Gaza continues to grow more dire with each passing day.
The heinous terrorist attacks on 7 October and ensuing war on Gaza have caused unimaginable suffering for civilians.
We need a ceasefire, humanitarian access and the unconditional release of hostages now.
Ireland has been at the forefront of shaping discussions within the EU on this conflict.
At the monthly meetings of the Foreign Affairs Council including at the most recent meeting in Luxembourg, I have repeatedly stressed the need for the EU response to evolve.
Ireland specifically pushed for political agreement on sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank, continued funding for UNRWA and support for the two-State solution including through recognition of a Palestinian State.
I was pleased to see the decision by the European Commission to release €50 million in funding for UNRWA with a further €32 million to follow and to increase its overall humanitarian aid for Palestinians in 2024.
I also welcome the adoption on 19 March of EU sanctions against violent Israeli settlers in the West Bank.
The EU has a longstanding commitment to the two-State solution and has invested enormously over decades in political and financial terms in its pursuit.
Ireland will continue to push for an ambitious European contribution towards the achievement of a sustainable and peaceful resolution to the conflict, guided by those same principles of consolidation of democracy, the rule of law and the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Closing remarks
While it might be easy to lose hope, we have proven time and time again, that by working together, extraordinary things can be achieved.
Ultimately, our progress and wellbeing as a nation is inextricably linked to a strong, confident and resilient union.
Europe Matters, and today is an opportunity to celebrate our Europeanness alongside our Irishness, neither one diluted by the other.
Instead, together they create a unique European character, rooted in Irish culture, heritage and history.
Go raibh maith agaibh.
ENDS